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Individualists believe that freedom of the individual is of the highest importance: they want to make their own choices and they want government to play the smallest possible role – with correspondingly low taxation.
There is a range of opinions on how far the principle of individual freedom can be implemented:
· Two concepts which are foundation stones of individualism are individual liberty and property rights. John Locke is credited with having influenced the American Declaration of Independence with this much-quoted assertion of natural law:
“To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider, what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man.” [1]
· A more extreme, libertarian, position is that tax is morally wrong because it is an exercise of government power over the individual. Milton Friedman summarised the libertarian view on tax as an infringement of personal liberty:
“If I want to do good with other people's money I'd first have to take it away from them. That means that the welfare state philosophy of doing good with other people's money, at its very bottom, is a philosophy of violence and coercion. It's against freedom, because I have to use force to get the money. In the second place, very few people spend other people's money as carefully as they spend their own.” [2]
· The most extreme expression of libertarianism is the complete elimination of the State, as advocated by Murray Rothbard for example:
“All of the services commonly thought to require the State – from the coining of money to police protection to the development of law in defense of the rights of person and property – can be and have been supplied far more efficiently and certainly more morally by private persons. The State is in no sense required by the nature of man; quite the contrary.” [3]
Rothbard provided a self-consistent logical defence for having no State at all – in terms of political authority – but he did not argue for complete anarchy, which is a term used in this book to describe an absence of any agreed rules or governance structures.
· Robert Nozick argued for what is perhaps the most widely accepted form of libertarianism: the “minimal state”, which is solely a “protection agency” to protect persons and property.[4]
These writers and their followers all regard property rights as essential, yet this is not a universally accepted position:
· There is no private property under pure communism.
· Land is held in common in countries inhabited by nomadic tribes.
These examples illustrate that property rights cannot just be assumed to exist, as libertarians assert;[5] they have to be established by negotiation.
Friedrich Hayek, in The Road to Serfdom, declared that the mainspring of individualism is to allow people “to follow their own values and preferences rather than somebody else's”.[6] If one thinks of society as an aggregation of individuals, it seems to be logical that allowing them all to have freedom of choice would be the best way of making everybody happy. This is the libertarian utopia, and it assumes the acceptability of some assumptions:
· Pure libertarianism is inconsistent with democracy,[7] as it rejects the idea of deferring to the demands of other people and it does not accept that there are benefits in agreed governance (2.3.2).
· No-one would have any obligation to anyone else. Those in need would have no-one to turn to unless they were lucky enough to have family or friends to help them. Even if the wealthy voluntarily help people in need by giving charity (4.2.4.3), the poor would effectively be in thrall to those who deigned to help them.
· Everyone would have to be willing to accept the inequality of opportunity which results from the retention of wealth. Wealthy people might have access to better healthcare than poor people and having wealthy parents might enable some people to start life with a built-in advantage in education.
· Any public infrastructure that is needed would have to be provided by private enterprise, in the absence of government intervention (3.2.8), and it would therefore only be for wealth-creation. The only criterion by which something would be provided, the only test of its value, would be that someone could make money from it.
Such power relationships create a society in which there is an ‘aristocracy’, or rather a ‘plutocracy’, of those with accumulated family wealth who have a huge advantage over those less fortunate than themselves – even if some of the latter have more ability. This continuity of power and privilege has echoes of feudalism, and many people see it as unjust.
Pure libertarianism can be seen as impractical. People cannot avoid setting up some form of agreement with their neighbours and the wider society. Even if a group of libertarians were to avoid paying tax to a government – by living on offshore artificial islands and paying directly for the services they required, a concept known as 'seasteading' [8] – they would need some agreements and shared arrangements among themselves: at least some rules of behaviour and a mechanism for paying for shared costs such as maintenance.
No society has implemented a pure libertarian vision, although Victorian England could be said to have come close to it. And the perceived injustices of that society inspired Karl Marx to try to overthrow capitalism.
Most individualists, though, aren’t pure libertarians. There are forms of individualism which are reconcilable with the view that individual rights and duties have to be negotiated with the community. As A.C. Grayling said:
“‘cooperation and mutuality' are not 'conformity and uniformity'; individualism is the rejection of the latter, not the former." [9]
Individualists would see it as a duty to argue for minimising the role of the State to prevent it from becoming bloated or oppressive. They create problems for everyone else, though, if they refuse to negotiate with those who do not share their views, or if they won’t accept the outcome of negotiations even when they are conducted meaningfully (2.4).
© PatternsofPower.org, 2014
[1] John Locke, The Second Treatise of Civil Government, chap. 2, section 4. It was available in May 2014 at http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/7370.
[2] The Milton Friedman interview entitled Living Within Our Means, cited earlier in this book (4.2.4), was available in February 2014 at http://www.thirteen.org/openmind/public-affairs/living-within-our-means/494/.
[3] Murray Rothbard, The Ethics of Liberty, Part III, Section 24, final para. It was available in May 2014 at http://mises.org/rothbard/ethics/ethics.asp.
[4] Robert Nozick, in chap. 5 of his book Anarchy, State and Utopia, argued that, given that persons and property require protection, people would require the services of protection agencies – which would combine in practice to form what he referred to as the “minimal state”. In the introduction to chap. 7, he writes:
“The minimal state is the most extensive state that can be justified. Any state more extensive violates people's rights.”
A PDF copy of the book was available in April 2014 at http://www.colorado.edu/philosophy/provisionalia/nozick.pdf.
The Internet Encyclopaedia of Philosophy summary of Nozick’s argument was available in May 2014 at http://www.iep.utm.edu/nozick/#SH2a.
[5] Locke described property rights as being a form of recompense for work (op. cit., chap. 5, section 27), and Nozick made some refinements to that argument (op. cit., chap. 7). Christian Michel, in the first chapter of his book Bricks of Freedom, characterised them as natural rights:
“It is intrinsic to the nature of every social group that each member can rely on others not to arbitrarily rob them of their lives or their assets. Each of us reasonably declares this as a right. Humans are fundamentally social animals (there is no such thing as a non-socialized human being), and it is the nature of society for these rights to be at least partially respected. This is why these are termed natural rights – not that it is in the nature of human beings to have rights (I am not going to open this debate), but that it is in the nature of human societies.” (pp. 7-8, his italics).
None of these three writers acknowledged that alternatives are possible (as, for example, the communist ideal of holding all property in common). Christian Michel characterised property rights as an agreed understanding between the members of a society. When he termed them natural rights it was another way of saying that most societies reach similar agreements, probably for the very good reason that they are an important incentive for wealth creation (3.2.1).
[6] Friedrich Hayek, in The Road to Serfdom (chap. 5, p.102), wrote:
“This is the fundamental fact on which the whole philosophy of individualism is based. It does not assume, as is often asserted, that man is egoistic or selfish or ought to be. It merely starts from the indisputable fact that the limits of our powers of imagination make it impossible to include in our scale of values more than a sector of the needs of the whole society, and that, since, strictly speaking, scales of value can exist only in individual minds, nothing but partial scales of values exist – scales which are inevitably different and often inconsistent with each other. From this the individualist concludes that the individuals should be allowed, within defined limits, to follow their own values and preferences rather than somebody else's; that within these spheres the individual's system of ends should be supreme and not subject to any dictation by others. It is this recognition of the individual as the ultimate judge of his ends, the belief that as far as possible his own views ought to govern his actions, that forms the essence of the individualist position.”
[7] In an essay entitled The Current Crisis of Democracy, as translated by Russell A. Berman, Alain de Benoist described the inconsistency between libertarianism (which he referred to as "liberalism") and democracy:
“Democracy and liberalism are not at all synonymous. On important points, they are even antithetical notions. There can be non-liberal democracies (democracies pure and simple) and forms of liberal government that are not at all strictly democratic. Carl Schmitt went so far as to say that the more a democracy is liberal, the less it is democratic.” (p. 5)
“Taking the part for the whole, doctrinaire liberals claim to defend the individual's liberty while ignoring his collective dimension, i.e., the existence of communities and the need for collective mastery inherent to democracy.” (p. 6)
This translation was available in May 2014 at http://www.alaindebenoist.com/pdf/the_current_crisis_of_democracy-anglais.pdf.
[8] An article on 'seasteading', entitled The Great Escape, was published in Prospect Magazine in April 2010 and was available in May 2014 at http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/2010/03/seasteading-the-great-escape/.
[9] AC Grayling’s paper, Social evils and social good, was written for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and was available in May 2014 at http://www.jrf.org.uk/knowledge/findings/socialpolicy/2281.asp.